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Very unfaithful was chivalry to its ideal--as all men are to all
ideals. But bear in mind, that if the horse was the symbol of the
ruling caste, it was not at first its only strength. Unless that
caste had had at first spiritual, as well as physical force on its
side, it would have been soon destroyed--nay, it would have
destroyed itself--by internecine civil war. And we must believe
that those Franks, Goths, Lombards, and Burgunds, who in the early
Middle Age leaped on the backs (to use Mr. Carlyle's expression) of
the Roman nations, were actually, in all senses of the word, better
men than those whom they conquered. We must believe it from reason;
for if not, how could they, numerically few, have held for a year,
much more for centuries, against millions, their dangerous
elevation? We must believe it, unless we take Tacitus's "Germania,"
which I absolutely refuse to do, for a romance. We must believe
that they were better than the Romanised nations whom they
conquered, because the writers of those nations, Augustine, Salvian,
and Sidonius Apollinaris, for example, say that they were such, and
give proof thereof. Not good men according to our higher standard--
far from it; though Sidonius's picture of Theodoric, the East Goth,
in his palace of Narbonne, is the picture of an eminently good and
wise ruler. But not good, I say, as a rule--the Franks, alas! often
very bad men: but still better, wiser, abler, than those whom they
ruled. We must believe too, that they were better, in every sense
of the word, than those tribes on their eastern frontier, whom they
conquered in after centuries, unless we discredit (which we have no
reason to do) the accounts which the Roman and Greek writers give of
the horrible savagery of those tribes.
So it was in later centuries. One cannot read fairly the history of
the Middle Ages without seeing that the robber knight of Germany or
of France, who figures so much in modern novels, must have been the
exception, and not the rule: that an aristocracy which lived by the
saddle would have as little chance of perpetuating itself, as a
priesthood composed of hypocrites and profligates; that the
mediaeval Nobility has been as much slandered as the mediaeval
Church; and the exceptions taken--as more salient and exciting--for
the average: that side by side with ruffians like Gaston de Foix
hundreds of honest gentlemen were trying to do their duty to the
best of their light, and were raising, and not depressing, the
masses below them--one very important item in that duty being, the
doing the whole fighting of the country at their own expense,
instead of leaving it to a standing army of mercenaries, at the beck
and call of a despot; and that, as M. de Tocqueville says: "In
feudal times, the Nobility were regarded pretty much as the
government is regarded in our own; the burdens they imposed were
endured in consequence of the security they afforded. The nobles
had many irksome privileges; they possessed many onerous rights:
but they maintained public order, they administered justice, they
caused the law to be executed, they came to the relief of the weak,
they conducted the business of the community. In proportion as they
ceased to do these things, the burden of their privileges appeared
more oppressive, and their existence became an anomaly in proportion
as they ceased to do these things." And the Ancien Regime may be
defined as the period in which they ceased to do these things--in
which they began to play the idlers, and expected to take their old
wages without doing their old work.
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