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Those who have a true understanding of America know that we have
no desire for territorial expansion, for economic or other
domination of other peoples. Such purposes are repugnant to our
ideals of human freedom. Our form of government is ill adapted to
the responsibilities which inevitably follow permanent limitation
of the independence of other peoples. Superficial observers seem
to find no destiny for our abounding increase in population, in
wealth and power except that of imperialism. They fail to see that
the American people are engrossed in the building for themselves
of a new economic system, a new social system, a new political
system all of which are characterized by aspirations of freedom of
opportunity and thereby are the negation of imperialism. They fail
to realize that because of our abounding prosperity our youth are
pressing more and more into our institutions of learning; that our
people are seeking a larger vision through art, literature,
science, and travel; that they are moving toward stronger moral
and spiritual life--that from these things our sympathies are
broadening beyond the bounds of our Nation and race toward their
true expression in a real brotherhood of man. They fail to see
that the idealism of America will lead it to no narrow or selfish
channel, but inspire it to do its full share as a nation toward
the advancement of civilization. It will do that not by mere
declaration but by taking a practical part in supporting all
useful international undertakings. We not only desire peace with
the world, but to see peace maintained throughout the world. We
wish to advance the reign of justice and reason toward the
extinction of force.
The recent treaty for the renunciation of war as an instrument of
national policy sets an advanced standard in our conception of the
relations of nations. Its acceptance should pave the way to
greater limitation of armament, the offer of which we sincerely
extend to the world. But its full realization also implies a
greater and greater perfection in the instrumentalities for
pacific settlement of controversies between nations. In the
creation and use of these instrumentalities we should support
every sound method of conciliation, arbitration, and judicial
settlement. American statesmen were among the first to propose and
they have constantly urged upon the world, the establishment of a
tribunal for the settlement of controversies of a justiciable
character. The Permanent Court of International Justice in its
major purpose is thus peculiarly identified with American ideals
and with American statesmanship. No more potent instrumentality
for this purpose has ever been conceived and no other is
practicable of establishment. The reservations placed upon our
adherence should not be misinterpreted. The United States seeks by
these reservations no special privilege or advantage but only to
clarify our relation to advisory opinions and other matters which
are subsidiary to the major purpose of the court. The way should,
and I believe will, be found by which we may take our proper place
in a movement so fundamental to the progress of peace.
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